Customer Reviews:
Something missing..........2007-01-10
Overall I thought the book was very well put together and achieves what the author set out to achieve. Based on my knowledge (personal and professional) it is an accurate reflection on the UAE. However, two points I would like to make in relation to the book. First, while Davidson discusses the role Indians played in the early days of the UAE unfortunately they have been left out of modern developments. At the commercial level, expatriate Indians have been a very significant force in the overall development of the UAE. Second, Davidson wants to use quantity as an (almost) measure of quality. When he refers to the various public services available (notably hospitals and public schools) there are some questions about the quality of the services being provided, especially in some of the Emirates outside of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. But he does manage to capture and convey the dynamic and rapidly changing nature of the UAE.
Historically Unreliable .......2006-08-28
Davidson's book may appear to be a useful guide to those unacquainted with the region. But, for those who are from the Gulf and know enough to question his information and assertions we find names that are mispelled or confused with others, we find events relating to the succession of rulers made up, quotes misinterpreted, vagueness in describing time periods and the text riddled with gossip. This is not unique to his book, as similar errors can be found in his article on the politics of succession that was published in the Middle East Policy Council Journal. Two examples readily available from his article that was published this summer (2006) are 1) his description of Sheikh Abdullah as the Minister of Information & Culture, when as of January 2006 he has been Minister of Foreign Affairs. 2) Where he explains that the `best informed locals and veteran expatriates' predicted a succession that bypassed the two eldest sons of Sheikh Zayed.
Davidson's (incorrect) sequence of imparting information jeopardises his analysis of events and their importance. Hence, while it may make for interesting reading of fiction, it can hardly be taken seriously.
If you take a look at his acknowledgements, he thanks his students for contributing information.
The UAE.......2006-06-18
This is easy to follow and has some very good diagrams. It shows that independent research can be done in countries like the UAE which most people seem to assume are still far too sensitive. There is a huge list of sources including interviews and government documents, and at the end is probably the most extensive bibliography (in English and Arabic) on this part of the world. Saudi Arabia could use a similar book.
Why no democracy?.......2006-01-31
This is a very well put together book, and after reading it all the way through I realised it's the first time I have been able to fully understand why democracy has not taken root and, in the western sense at least, is unlikely to take root in the near future. The book is also very useful for showing how the rulers have desperately tried to diversify their economic base, and although most of the statistics only go up to 2004, this is easily the best book I have seen of the development of a Gulf state.
One of few available serious studies of the U.A.E........2005-12-07
As a researcher at a major New York financial firm I needed to quickly find information to help me begin to assess the risks of doing business in the U.A.E. Fortunately I came across a reference to this volume. I found it extremely useful for my work, providing me with substantial up-to-date information on the politics and economics of a country quite different from most I have studied. In particular, Dr. Davidson provided some answers to one of my initial questions about the U.A.E.--what holds this group of seven monarchies together? While the book could have benefited from more editing (it still reads like a doctoral dissertation)it is full of information and easy to use.
Book Description
If Turkey lived up to its potential, it could rule the world - but will it? A passionate report from the front lines
For centuries few terrors were more vivid in the West than fear of "the Turk," and many people still think of Turkey as repressive, wild, and dangerous. Crescent and Star is Stephen Kinzer's compelling report on the truth about this nation of contradictions - poised between Europe and Asia, caught between the glories of its Ottoman past and its hopes for a democratic future, between the dominance of its army and the needs of its civilian citizens, between its secular expectations and its Muslim traditions.
Kinzer vividly describes Turkey's captivating delights as he smokes a water pipe, searches for the ruins of lost civilizations, watches a camel fight, and discovers its greatest poet. But he is also attuned to the political landscape, taking us from Istanbul's elegant cafes to wild mountain outposts on Turkey's eastern borders, while along the way he talks to dissidents and patriots, villagers and cabinet ministers. He reports on political trials and on his own arrest by Turkish soldiers when he was trying to uncover secrets about the army's campaigns against Kurdish guerillas. He explores the nation's hope to join the European Union, the human-rights abuses that have kept it out, and its difficult relations with Kurds, Armenians, and Greeks.
Will this vibrant country, he asks, succeed in becoming a great democratic state? He makes it clear why Turkey is poised to become "the most audacious nation of the twenty-first century."
Customer Reviews:
GREAT BOOK!.......2007-05-03
WOW, THIS IS A GREAT BOOK, HIGHLY RECOMMEND IT, I HOPE TURKEY GETS RID OF ISLAMIST FASCISM, AND TURNS COMPLETELY TO THE WEST, AND LET FREEDOM OF SPEECH RULE.
Talk, talk talkin' sappy talk.......2007-01-28
What would you think of a foreign correspondent in America who wrote about the politics of the 1990s without exploring the influence of Christianity? New York Times correspondent Stephen Kinzer has written about Turkey in the `90s without any effort to take account of Islam.
America is a secular state with a Christian society. Turkey is a secular state with a Muslim society. If the object of your sermon -- "Crescent and Star" is a sermon not an analysis -- is to promote democracy, then Christianity is not too much of a problem. There are Christian democracies. But there are not any Muslim democracies, and it must be asked, is that a consequence or an accident?
Kinzer doesn't ask. He spends chapter after chapter on the Kurds, victims of a genocide in the `90s that most of the world chose not to see. Some pages on women, a few on economics. Several chapters on the army, which runs the country as a disguised military dictatorship. Page after page about the ineffectual political system and corrupt parties.
Kinzer is capable of breathtakingly stupid writing. My favorite example is his description of the father of the republic, Kemal Ataturk: "Ataturk and his comrades came to think of themselves as righteous crusaders." I doubt any Turk ever thought of himself as any kind of crusader.
Without providing the slightest evidence, Kinzer opines: "Many devout Muslims . . . want to cooperate with secularists in building an open, tolerant nation." But the only political act tied to Islam in the book describes how Turkish Hezballah (Party of Allah) subjected Konca Kuris, a Muslim woman "who had written many articles describing Islam as a gentle, tolerant faith that demanded equality for women" to "unspeakable tortures," which they videotaped for the enjoyment and political/religious edification of Turkish Muslims.
"Crescent and Star" was finished shortly before Sept. 11, 2001, but even then anyone with eyes could see that tolerant Islam was losing ground. Even then, the secular, corrupt political establishment had made a bargain with expansionist Muslims (the Welfare Party) to bring them into the government. Readers of historical experience are likely to be reminded of how the conservatives in Germany thought they could tame Hitlerism by bringing it into the government.
Turkey would be another Iran now if the secular army had not stepped in to force the Welfarist prime minister Erbakan out. Kinzer gets half of it, writing that "the worst legacy of Erbakan's disastrous year in power was that it convinced the army that Turks were still not ready for democracy."
But having just stated that Turks were unable to handle democracy, Kinzer also says Turks are "a people who are quite mature enough to deal with the challenge of freedom."
Kinzer adores Turkey and Turkishness. It is not clear whether he is blinded by love or just a silly twit.
Turkey.......2006-08-19
Writer in general tries to be neutral in his views but did not divert himself from prejudgment, tales and fabrications regarding the Armenian allegations.
Enjoyable, but a little heavy on the preaching........2006-07-20
This is a very interesting book, which should be read by anyone who is interested in Turkish culture. However, it gives a very narrow view of this culture and the political situation. Kinzer does a very good job of presenting what is happening in Turkey, but his endless preaching does get a little old. Other than that, I truely enjoyed this book.
Insightful Perspectives on Modern Turkey.......2006-06-10
Kinzer's book provides some excellent insight into the modern world of Turkey in addition to some fun mezes into Turkish culture. His review of the country is in-depth and his perspective is enhanced by actually talking with locals on the street. Here's a man who loves the Turks and wants the best for them.
Book Description
Launched in 1992, the Civil Society in the Middle East program has brought together dozens of leading scholars to analyze political life through an exploration of civil society within the states of the region. This is the first of two volumes to be published by E.J. Brill; it contains original studies of Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Syria, Tunisia, the West Bank and Gaza, as well as the prospects for democratization in the Arab world, the consequences of economic liberalization and contemporary Islamic thought on civil society and democracy. This first volume offers a wealth of new material on unions, political parties and professional syndicates, and other components of civil society, as the authors weigh the prospects for political reform in the Middle East, and provide readable yet richly informed assessments of state-society relations.
Customer Reviews:
Penetrating studies of the Middle East.......2003-12-12
After reading the newspapers obsessively since September 11 I have developed a quest for a deeper knowledge of Middle Eastern societies. This is the best book that I have found for understanding how people and groups relate to their governments in the Middle East, and how the governments, in turn, seek to dominate and manipulate citizens. President Bush has announced a major policy shift emphasizing the promotion of democracy in the Middle East. I hope his advisors have read this book.
Book Description
During the Medieval period, the Middle East was a battleground in which the Umayyad and the Abbasids Caliphs fought for dominance of an empire that stretched from Spain to the borders of India. The Armies of the Caliphs is the first major study of the relationship between army and society in the early Islamic period, and reveals the pivotal role of the military in politics.
Over the key period of 600-945, the Muslims developed a salaried, semi-professional army, dependent on the state for its livelihood. In this extraordinary survey, Kennedy shows how the army began to influence and eventually dominate the political system, and reflects on how the involvement of the military in Middle Eastern politics today has its origins in this period.
Through an examination of recruitment, payment, weaponry and fortifications in the armies, The Armies of the Caliphs offers the most comprehensive view to date of how the early Muslim Empire grew to control so many people. Using Arabic chronicles, surviving documents, and archaeological evidence, this book analyzes the military and the face of battle, and offers a timely reassesment of the early Islamic State.
Customer Reviews:
Excellent summary of early Islamic Military History.......2005-03-27
Few people realize that the vast extent of Islamization in the Middle East and North Africa today is a direct consequence of the conquest of these regions by Arab armies during the seventh and eighth centuries AD. The success of these conquests, struggles, and the establishment of Arab and Muslim control strongly depended on military organization and success. As a result, it is rather surprising that there has been relatively little study of the military aspects of the conquests and the development of the armies during the first three centuries of the Caliphate-a period crucial to the formation and spread of Islam. Professor Hugh Kennedy's The Armies of the Caliphs aims to fill this void claiming to be the first major study of the relationship between army and society in the early Islamic period, and concordantly, the role of military in politics.
Armies of the Caliphs (although quite dense) does present a comprehensive and balanced discussion of items such as weaponry, tactics, lines of command, methods of payment, and the changing social and ethnic composition of Muslim armies throughout the first three centuries of the Caliphate. The book is based heavily on narrative sources by historians of the ninth and tenth centuries such as al-Baladhuri and especially, al-Tabari. Since these works focus greatly on individuals and groups of individuals rather than institutions, they are extremely prosopographical. Directly, the sources refer only sporadically to tactics and methods of paying soldiers. Kennedy however uses this prosopography to his advantage. For example, using al-Tabari as a source, Kennedy cites an anecdote in which the Umayyads under al-Hajjaj defeated the Kharijis when they tried to attack Kufa. In doing so, he effectively demonstrates the importance of the infantry spear-wall defense. To reinforce this view, he cites another anecdote (once again using al-Tabari) about how the `Abbasid troops used the exact same technique at the Battle of Tell Kushaf to defeat Marwan II's army. Similarly, Kennedy argues convincingly that soldiers were generally paid in cash thus reflecting upon the importance of commerce and monetary exchange in the economy. This contrasts with the system in medieval Europe at the time, whereby troops were paid by grants of land or by tax farms-what started as a stipend for the Caliph's soldiers, ultimately became a true salary for work done.
Compared to his discussion on payment, Kennedy provides only a cursory glance composed of two chapters in regards to weapons, equipment, fortification, and siege warfare (a mere twenty-seven pages in a book of well over two hundred). This however is understandable because apart from the stirrup, there were no major technical advances in military equipment during the first three Islamic centuries. Regarding the stirrup, Kennedy argues that although there is no reason to suppose that the Arabs used them, the Muslims began to adopt it around the end of the seventh century. His discussion takes into account Lynn White's theory that the introduction of stirrups lead to the development of the heavily armoured horseman and ultimately to the social structures designed to support such specialized warriors. On the other hand, siege warfare played a small role in Islamic military history because there was a general dislike for static and restricted forms of warfare. Furthermore, no evidence remains for organised siegecraft. Even when cities, citadels, and individual buildings were fortified, they were more for display purposes than for defense.
Kennedy's discussion of the changing social and ethnic composition is quite comprehensive. In the years around 700 AD, largely in response to the challenge of revolts and civil wars, the Caliph Abd al-Malik began to have his army dominated by units from Syria because of their supposed superiority. With the fall of the Umayyads in 750 AD, Syrian domination gave way to men from the province of Khurasan (where the revolt which gave the Abbasids control of the Caliphate began). When the Khurasanis were no longer reliable, the Caliphs began to increasingly recruit Turks from Central Asia. Historians usually refer to these troops as slave soldiers, but Kennedy argues that we cannot be sure of their legal status. This is because in some ways it was irrelevant: the result of this new source of recruitment was the growing isolation of the Caliphs and the usurpation of real power by the soldiers, who themselves were cut off in their garrisons and in frequent conflict with the indigenous dwellers of Iraq.
Kennedy's book is part of a series, Warfare and History, intended for historians and related specialists. He wastes no time with a background for introductory purposes, and delves right into the content. It seems therefore quite lacking that the glossary does not include many of the Arabic terms for weapons, armour, and other similar words which occur frequently in the text. An appendix providing a brief introduction to some of the important Caliphs, commanders, and generals would have been helpful as well. Although there are three maps provided in the book, they are not sufficient for a book of such a large scope. More illustrations would have been helpful, of not only paintings and artefacts that provide evidence, but reconstructions of weapons and army formations, which are difficult to visualize simply from verbal descriptions. Overall, Kennedy succeeds in doing what he set out for: analyzing the relationship between army and society in the early Islamic period, thus offering an excellent reassessment of the early Islamic state.
Book Description
Uncovers a rich and varied debate occurring in the world of Arab intellectuals about the meaning and function of a civil society in democratic political theory.
This book provides a significant and unique contribution to the emerging literature of comparative political thought. Michaelle L. Browers offers compelling evidence, with extensive analysis and references, that a rigorous debate is taking place in Arabic concerning the value of democracy and civil society.
Exploring the globalization of ideas of democracy and civil society, Browers addresses the question of what occurs when concepts cross the boundaries of cultures or languages. She analyzes the historical concept of democracy in Arab and Islamic political thought, the transformations that have occurred over the past several decades resulting from Arab forays into an international discussion of civil society and what these transformations tell us about the status of ideological and conceptual debates in the region.
The book's value, however, lies in its main premise: despite the dearth of actual democratic practices in the Arab world, intellectual elites of the region have vigorously debated reform concepts for decades. Browers emphasizes that current conflicts involving the Middle East are less about Islam against the west and its secular allies in the region and more about diverse sectors of Arab society grappling with how to reform overreaching and unjust states. Browers shows that the seeds of democratic reform in the region were well planted prior to the war on Iraq and the Greater Middle East Initiative.
Book Description
This penetrating and timely study by two well-known scholars offers a theoretically informed account of the political sociology of Israel. The argument is set in its historical context as the authors trace Israel's development from the beginning of Zionist settlement in Palestine in the early 1880s to the Oslo accords in 1993, and finally to the recent Palestinian uprising. Against this background, they speculate on the idea of citizenship and what it means to be the citizen of a fragmented and ideologically divided society.
Book Description
In this long-awaited work, Samir Khalaf analyzes the history of civil strife and political violence in Lebanon and reveals the inherent contradictions that have plagued that country and made it so vulnerable to both inter-Arab and superpower rivalries. How did a
fairly peaceful and resourceful society, with an impressive history of viable
pluralism, coexistence, and republicanism, become the site of so much
barbarism and incivility? Khalaf argues that historically internal grievances have been magnified or deflected to become the source of international conflict. From the beginning, he shows, foreign interventions have consistently exacerbated internal problems.
Lebanon's fragmented political culture is a byproduct of two general features. First, it reflects the traditional forces and political conflicts caused by striking differences in religious beliefs and communal and sectarian loyalties that continue to split the society and reinforce its factional character. Second, and superimposed on these, are new forms of socioeconomic and cultural stress caused by Lebanon's role in the continuing international conflicts in the region.
Khalaf concludes that Lebanon is now at a crossroads in its process of political and social transformation, and proposes some strategies to re-create a vibrant civil and political culture that can accommodate profound transformations in the internal, domestic sphere as well as mediate developments taking place internationally. Throughout, Khalaf demonstrates how the internal and external currents must be considered simultaneously in order to understand the complex and tragic history of the country. This deeply considered and subtle analysis of the interplay of complex historical forces helps us to imagine a viable future not only for Lebanon but also for the Middle East as a whole.
Customer Reviews:
A reference work on Lebanon.......2005-09-24
The works of Samir Khalaf are perhaps the most quoted in all the books that talk about or try to explain the Lebanese civil war. By reading this book, you'd know why the ideas of the sociology professor at the American University of Beirut are such widespread and respected.
Civil and Uncivil Obedience is the fruit of Khalaf's long years of research and his survival of civil war. He observes the Lebanese society and applies modern methodology of analyzing how this society broke down on the eve of the nation's civil strife in 1975 and how tribal affiliations and modes of behavior and interaction easily re-surfed and replaced the state's social contract.
The book is very specialized and might appeal to sociology experts and students more than the average reader. Khalaf's style is also wordy at times as he decorates his text with all kinds of vocabulary that sometimes make the reader lose track of the content. Still, this reference book is worth keeping at your library if you are a Middle East expert or student.
Book Description
Based on the testimony of key players, Syria: Neither Bread nor Freedom recounts the drama of the "Damascus Spring" and its repression, and reveals what happens in a state like Syria to the institutions that occupy the political space between government and governed. From political parties to parliament; from the media to the judicial system and universities, the official veil of rhetoric and propaganda is lifted to reveal a system so demoralized and corrupted that power is wielded for no purpose but power itself; a system which, as Bashar al-Assad himself is discovering, is virtually incapable of reform.
Customer Reviews:
The book with the misleading title.......2005-04-09
Misleading title
Alan George's Syria Neither Bread nor Freedom has a misleading title. When I first bought this book I thought it would be a description of the genesis and evolution of the Baath Party and the Syrian dictatorship that ultimately led to poverty and suppression of human rights.
Instead, the book talks about a brief period when the current Syrian President Bashar Assad succeeded his father Hafez in 2000. The period witnessed a surge in Syrian hopes that their young president had intentions to modernize the regime and the state and allow more freedom, only to discover later that Hazfez Assad's old guard heavy weights cracked heavily on the few figures who dared criticize the regime and call for its modernization.
The author is clearly informed about this civil movement and its leaders, yet his description of these people is sometimes misleading as he tends to depict them as freedom lovers whereas in fact, many of the Syrian "civil insurgents" are just nationalists who think that the regime has failed in winning regional Arab battles and would love to see a stronger one replace it.
This is particularly misleading for Western readers who might confuse these opposition activists for pro-West at the time they are in fact very much anti-West.
The style of the book is "slow and dry," and gets boring at times. The writer should have spiced up his manuscript with figurative description of the Syrian capital and the people whom he interviewed.
Book Description
This book examines the debate on the relevance of the concept of civil society to social and political change and the role its most well-known agents, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), play in promoting emancipatory projects. The author analyzes the empirical case of Egyptian "civil society" in order to ascertain whether the experience of civil society organizations, and of NGOs in particular, validates the contention prevalent in academic and policy circles that civil society is the main engine for social and political transformation. The author concludes that civil society, far from constituting this engine, is a politically contested terrain characterized by authoritarian and repressive tendencies.
Book Description
Both Turkey and Iran consider themselves modern Islamic states—though with radically different status in today's social and political world. In Multiple Modernities, Civil Society and Islam, Masoud Kamali explores the historical factors that have shaped such dissimilar Muslim states, including the continued influence of Europe and the United States. Kamali's assertion that the "Muslim world" is far more multifaceted and pluralistic than generally portrayed is a message particularly relevant today. Multiple Modernities is critical reading for those interested in the history—both ancient and modern—of Islamic movements around the world.
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