The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East

The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East
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Wonderful, honest and shocking

A Great Book for Civilisation

Detailed and well-written account

A Must Read

grat book, must read if u wanna learn about the middle east

The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East
Robert Fisk
Manufacturer: Vintage
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 1400075173
Release Date: 2007-02-13

Book Description

A sweeping and dramatic history of the last half century of conflict in the Middle East from an award-winning journalist who has covered the region for over thirty years, The Great War for Civilisation unflinchingly chronicles the tragedy of the region from the Algerian Civil War to the Iranian Revolution; from the American hostage crisis in Beirut to the Iran-Iraq War; from the 1991 Gulf War to the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. A book of searing drama as well as lucid, incisive analysis, The Great War for Civilisation is a work of major importance for today's world.

Customer Reviews:

Wonderful, honest and shocking.......2007-10-07

The book "The great war for civilisation", by Robert Fisk, is wonderful, mostly for its vivid and honest telling of the history the author has lived in thr last 40 years.
Even not having finished its reading (it's a 1,100 pages book!), I can see the author does not leaves "stone on stone" (translated from a Portuguese sentence). He show how ignorant people of developed countries can be (to make a monument in Vincennes, indiana, USA, to USS Vincennes, which blowed up a civil plane, killing 290 people, is terrible!), and how dishonest governments like Reagan's and Thatcher's were. Please, divulge this book!

A Great Book for Civilisation.......2007-10-06

It's hard to exaggerate when trying to accord sufficient praise for this great book. As a pure work of journalistic reportage it seems impossible to beat, let alone come near to its level of sincerity, humanity and scope. I don't know how Mr. Fisk was able to collate and make such sense of so much material, and survive the ordeal.
Whatever one's own proclivities may be in the world of politics and religion, I don't think anyone could quarrel with the author's many observations, which are so clearly animated by an overriding sense of outrage at the callous and sensless brutality which he has so often witnessed in person in the countries where he has been a reporter.
He tries his best to be impartial, and indeed it is virtually impossible to know where the truth lies in a world of spin and manipulation. However, he clearly shows a penchant for the Muslim argument in the Middle East, and certainly there must be a lot to be said in his favour, even if he is not always wholly convincing.
This, however, is but a quibble compared with the might and majesty of this splendid book, which I would recommend anyone who is in any way concerned with the Arab world to read, and learn from.

Detailed and well-written account.......2007-10-03

Fisk's narrative pulls no punches, and does a superb job of recounting events ranging from the Iran-Iraq War to the Armenian genocide the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan to the Palestinian Israeli conflict to the current War in Iraq -- as well as many other events relevant to the contemporary Middle East (and U.S. foreign policy in the region).

I found the account to be depressing at times, but for those who are looking for a thought-provoking, and engaging narrative this is a great place to start. No easy answers, and plenty of information to digest. The best kind of reading.

A Must Read.......2007-09-02

I read every word in this book. At first I was skeptical that it could all be true, but on completion I believe it is. I highly recommend this book to all.

It is an excellent way to learn just how big a mistake was made by the US and GB in trying to overthrow the goverment in Iraq and establish a puppet democracy.

grat book, must read if u wanna learn about the middle east.......2007-08-29

here is a writer who lived in the middle east, who walked the streets and breathed the air, who talked to all the big heads and saw all the battles...he is not your typical expert who appear on CNN/Fox News... he has in-depth knowledge, i wish alan dershowitz can learn from him

read this and pitty the nation

War Is a Racket: The Anti-War Classic by America's Most Decorated General, Two Other Anti=Interventionist Tracts, and Photographs from the Horror of It

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A truth bullet right in the forehead
A must read for American Citizens
People never learn.
Read this now
What Seems Is Not Reality - Read This Pamphlet

War Is a Racket: The Anti-War Classic by America's Most Decorated General, Two Other Anti=Interventionist Tracts, and Photographs from the Horror of It
Smedley D. Butler
Manufacturer: Feral House
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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How The World Really Works

ASIN: 0922915865

Book Description

General Smedley Butler's frank book shows how American war efforts were animated by big-business interests. This extraordinary argument against war by an unexpected proponent is relevant now more than ever.

Customer Reviews:

A truth bullet right in the forehead.......2007-09-03

The word "classic", like other words in the abused English language, is regularly misused. It is not misused in describing this book. And at the pittance required to buy this edition, it can also be described as the biggest bargain you will encounter all year. To call the book an "anti-war" classic is not as accurate as it might be, however, because Gen. Butler envisions the need for a standing army and navy to defend the nation. He is merely horrified at these forces being sent to fight other people's wars. Especially at the cost of all wars.

Gen. Butler writes between the two World Wars. Having earned an estimable reputation among the troops he led, he proceeded not to desert them after the war was over. He sided with the bonus marchers who built "Hooverville", and then he finished some thoughts he had been having about the role of the United States Marine Corps in a number of lesser American military adventures. He then wrote this pamphlet to explain why the country needed to rid itself of the conmen who keep taking it to foreign wars.

The work is divided into five sections:

1. War Is A Racket!
2. Who Makes the Profits?
3. Who Pays the Bills?
4. How to Smash This Racket!
5. To Hell with War!

As another reviewer has noted, Gen. Butler rendered even greater service to his country after leaving the Marines than while serving actively. In prose that is utterly direct and unadorned, he outlines the nature of war, the identities and profit margins of the criminals, the role of the propagandizing press, and the victims of the fiscal enterprise of war. He then suggests a practical method for removing the profit from the business of war: simply conscript every owner, manager and employee of the war-making industries into the war effort, 30 days before the troops are called up, at the same pay rate as the enlisted man. During WWI, that was $30.00 per month. It is an idea so simple and brilliant that it will never be tried, unless, of course, the entire population suddenly has the wool pulled from its eyes, and passes the requisite law. As a test of industrial patriotism, this idea has no peers.

(My idea for educating the masses would be to make every thirteen-year-old boy and girl read this book, pass an exam on it, and then administer the book and the exam to their parents. This would be an annual event, and a general election would be held as soon as the parents had passed their exams.)

It is depressing to read this book in 2007, note that it was written in 1935, and reflect that nothing has changed. It is also heartening to realize that the solution to the problem of war is to convey the meaning of one four-word sentence to the masses. That sentence is the title of this book. Even in a time of sinking literacy levels and short attention spans, I can imagine no more worthy project for our country.

A must read for American Citizens.......2007-07-25

While I don't agree with all of Butler's recommendations (among which is, never fight a war), many of his recommendations are great. His documentation of the Facist plot he exposed is very important. (BTW: Prescott Bush was a co-conspirator in these coup-plans, as documented by the BBC.)

Facism was a threat then, and given the growing corporatism in the USA, a threat now.

People never learn........2007-07-23

This small book is timeless in its message. Written before WW2, it applies to much of what has happened since. As Butler wrote, " Why don't those damned oil companies fly their own flags on their personal property - maybe a flag with a gas pump on it." Two Iraq wars prove Butler's prescience.

Read this now.......2007-05-14

One of the most important books ever written by an American military figure, General Butler explains why war is a crime fought for the financial gain of a tiny class of society. This is extremely relevant for all Americans trying struggling to end wars of conquest and profit.

What Seems Is Not Reality - Read This Pamphlet.......2007-04-24

I am torn in giving this small collection a rating. In terms of importance, I would give this booklet five stars. In terms of writing style, it would earn one star. Nevertheless, this is the kind of book you must read, for it will shatter your illusions, should you have them, about the nature of American military might. These words, from pen of the most decorated American general, Brigadier General Smedley Butler, form a well supported middle finger in the face of American hegemony and neo-colonialism.

From a literary standpoint, this is not a book. It is a collection of short essays, written as you would expect a brash general to write. "War is a Racket" is but one of a several essays in this short book. In addition to its namesake, the booklet also contains an arguments against American intervention in World War II, and a photo essay of the horrors of war.

I would recommend this booklet to anyone going off to fight yet another war based on lies and secretly intended for the profit of the ruling class. Parents, read this before considering allowing your child to join forces of evil.

Faith-Based Diplomacy: Trumping Realpolitik

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Award-Winner, Mind-Altering Information, Useful, Scholarly
Why don't you own this book?!!

Faith-Based Diplomacy: Trumping Realpolitik

Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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ASIN: 0195160894

Book Description

For most of the twentieth century, the most critical concerns of national security have been balance of power politics and the global arms race. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the motives behind them, however, demand a radical break with this tradition. If the United States is to prevail in its long-term contest with extremist Islam, it will need to re-examine old assumptions, expand the scope of its thinking to include religion and other "irrational" factors, and be willing to depart from past practice. A purely military response in reaction to such attacks will simply not suffice. What will be required is a long-term strategy of cultural engagement, backed by a deeper understanding of how others view the world and what is important to them. In non-Western cultures, religion is a primary motivation for political actions. Historically dismissed by Western policymakers as a divisive influence, religion in fact has significant potential for overcoming the obstacles that lead to paralysis and stalemate. The incorporation of religion as part of the solution to such problems is as simple as it is profound. It is long overdue. This book looks at five intractable conflicts and explores the possibility of drawing on religion as a force for peace. It builds upon the insights of Religion, the Missing Dimension of Statecraft (OUP,1994)--which examined the role that religious or spiritual factors can play in preventing or resolving conflict--while achieving social change based on justice and reconciliation. The world-class authors writing in this volume suggest how the peacemaking tenets of five major world religions can be strategically applied in ongoing conflicts in which those religions are involved. Finally, the commonalities and differences between these religions are examined with an eye toward further applications in peacemaking and conflict resolution.

Customer Reviews:

Award-Winner, Mind-Altering Information, Useful, Scholarly.......2004-04-30

Let's start with the award. I was so impressed with this book that it received one of the ten Golden Candle Awards for most constructive and innovative work in the Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) field. It represents the second book in a body of work that may eventually be worthy of a Nobel Peace Prize. The citation reads:

To Dr. Douglas M. Johnston, president and founder of the International Center for Religion and Diplomacy, for his path-finding efforts with regard to Preventive Diplomacy as well as Religion and Conflict Resolution. Among his many works, two stand out for defining a critical missing element in modern diplomacy: Religion, the Missing Dimension of Statecraft (Oxford University Press, 1994), and Faith-based Diplomacy: Trumping Realpolitik (Oxford University Press, 2003). He has restored the proper meaning of faith qua earnestness instead of faith qua zealotry, and this is a contribution of great importance.

With a foreword by no less than The Honorable Lee H. Hamilton, today a leader of the 9-11 Commission, the book drives a stake in the heart of secular "objective" negotiation and focuses on how faith (not zealotry, but earnest faith) can alter the spiral of violence in such places as Sudan, Kashmir, and the Middle East.

The editor and contributing author has assembled a multi-national and multi-religion cast of experts whose work in the aggregate completely supports the premise of the book: that the 21st Century will be about religion instead of ideology, and that what hopes we might have for reconciling "irreconcilable differences" lie in the balanced integration of religious dialog and conflict prevention, rather than in pre-emptive military action and unilateralist bullying.

I found two core concepts especially relevant to national security: the first is that we need an Office of Religious and Cultural Intelligence within the Central Intelligence Agency, and we need, as the authors suggest, to put religious attaches into every Embassy. The second, and this is a truly core concept, is "The price of freedom is cultural engagement--taking the time to learn how others view the world, to understand what is important to them, and to determine what can realistically be done to help them realize their legitimate aspirations."

This is a brilliant, scholarly, practical, world-changing book. It joins Max Manwaring's various books, but especially "The Search for Security," Joe Nye's earlier books on understanding the world and engaging the world with soft power, and George Soros as well as the several other books on my standard national security reading list. The conclusion of the book lists a number of means by which religion can impact on diplomacy and state-craft, and I for one have become a believer--this book completely altered my perspective on the role of religion as a peacemaker of substance and day-to-day practicality.

Why don't you own this book?!!.......2003-03-12

Faith-based Diplomacy, Trumping Realpolitik offers a fresh perspective on how to deal with religious militancy. It goes beyond traditional notions of power politics to get at the heart and soul of how to deal with religious terrorism, thus superseding in effectiveness Washington-centric notions of guns and missiles. The creativity of the authors offers much grist for policymakers to "think outside the box" of how traditional power politics are conducted and offers new insights into the process of conflict transformation. A very interesting, insightful, and helpful book for the politician, religious leader and educated layperson.

The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-first Century

Average customer rating:

ONE WORD: GLOBALIZATION
The Pentagon,s New Map - a recipe for continuing millitary catastrophies.
Must read
A Most Important and Dangerous Book
This book projects the future - and its right on in Iraq

The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-first Century
Thomas P.M. Barnett
Manufacturer: Berkley Trade
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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ASIN: 0425202399

Amazon.com

This bold and important book strives to be a practical "strategy for a Second American Century." In this brilliantly argued work, Thomas Barnett calls globalization "this country's gift to history" and explains why its wide dissemination is critical to the security of not only America but the entire world. As a senior military analyst for the U.S. Naval War College, Barnett is intimately familiar with the culture of the Pentagon and the State Department (both of which he believes are due for significant overhauls). He explains how the Pentagon, still in shock at the rapid dissolution of the once evil empire, spent the 1990s grasping for a long-term strategy to replace containment. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Barnett argues, revealed the gap between an outdated Cold War-era military and a radically different one needed to deal with emerging threats. He believes that America is the prime mover in developing a "future worth creating" not because of its unrivaled capacity to wage war, but due to its ability to ensure security around the world. Further, he believes that the U.S. has a moral responsibility to create a better world and the way he proposes to do that is by bringing all nations into the fold of globalization, or what he calls connectedness. Eradicating disconnectedness, therefore, is "the defining security task of our age." His stunning predictions of a U.S. annexation of much of Latin America and Canada within 50 years as well as an end to war in the foreseeable future guarantee that the book will be controversial. And that's good. The Pentagon's New Map deserves to be widely discussed. Ultimately, however, the most impressive aspects of the book is not its revolutionary ideas but its overwhelming optimism. Barnett wants the U.S. to pursue the dream of global peace with the same zeal that was applied to preventing global nuclear war with the former Soviet Union. High-level civilian policy makers and top military leaders are already familiar with his vision of the future—this book is a briefing for the rest of us and it cannot be ignored. --Shawn Carkonen

Book Description

Building upon the works of Thomas Friedman, Samuel Huntington, and Francis Fukuyama, The Pentagon's New Map describes recent U.S. military history and strategy, discusses where America's forces will likely be heading in the near future, outlines the crucial role the nation needs to play in establishing international stability, and provides much needed hope at one of the most difficult times in American history.

Customer Reviews:

ONE WORD: GLOBALIZATION.......2007-09-15

I give this book 5 stars for educating me about how the Pentagon thinks, organizes and deals with Internation issues such as military conflicts.

The "New MAP" refers to the POST COLD WAR ERA. Measuring up possible future world powers vs. multiple smaller conflicts, and how "GLOBALIZATION" is steering countries like China towards becoming more Democractic over time.

Mr. Barnett describes his role at the Pentagon, and politics that steer decisions in war time or peace time (Defense Budget inter fighting).

I'm still reading this book, and I know the data is a bit outdated, but for someone newer to this subject, it's still informative and facinating to read, if this subject interests you.

The Pentagon,s New Map - a recipe for continuing millitary catastrophies........2007-06-27

This book is pure salesmanship for a person and a point of view. It is not fun to read, but it is probably important that it be read because it provides insight into the incredibly mundane world of selling military solutions to congress and the administration. What are touted as great ideas turn out to be simplistic interpretations of the world situation based upon a lack of understanding of culutral diversity and concern for human rights. Because it is important for the public to understand how the U.S. gets into stupid, counterproductive militeary adventrures it is imporant that this book be widely read, however it is tedious and tiresome to be continually barraged with the authors misguided and unsophisticated views.

Must read.......2007-05-18

This book is a must read for anyone wanting to understand the world at large. Barnett puts issues of security and economics within the context of globalization. A true guide to our 21st century universe.

A Most Important and Dangerous Book.......2007-04-03

Thomas P. M. Barnett's "The Pentagon's New Map" is one of the most important Post-Cold War books on defense, and possibly THE most important book on American national security written in decades. "The Pentagon's New Map" is also one of the most, if not THE most dangerous books on American national security written in the same timeframe.

Dr Barnett's `Functional Core and Gap' model of the world is a compelling construct for America's policymakers to use in future national security planning endeavors -- executed as part of a comprehensive American (and Core) grand strategy to shrink the Gap that is the source of so much of the recent and current world strife.

The Core-Gap construct and analysis alone earns this book a place on the shelf of any serious military library. It goes far in clearly identifying much of the world's systemic problems and provides a powerful argument for use in framing the development of possible strategies and tactics to form a long-term strategy and designing long-term solutions. In short, the Core-Gap construct is a superb starting point for analyzing future security needs and developing a national `grand strategy'.

The author correctly signals his world model's greatest strength as being the `repeatability' of the Core-Gap construct. That is, understanding of the construct is compelling and tends to convince any rational audience of the truth of it -- regardless of political party or position in the American ideological spectrum. What makes this construct even more compelling is the truth of it comes through in spite of the book's surrounding conceptual (no convincing rationale for keeping current defense spending at historically low levels for example, and oversimplification of what it takes to make and maintain a `Leviathan' for another), and perceptual (the author's perspective benefits AND suffers from having been `inside the Navy', but not `of it') missteps. All these errors in the early chapters are irritations, but do not detract at all from the beauty of the Core-Gap model and understanding as to how and where the world is (or is not) working.

However, problems with the author's arguments in the first half of the book that are introduced as part of convincing the reader of the `truth' of the Core-Gap model unfortunately multiply and cascade later in the text-- and become foundations for much of what is wrong with the second half of the book.

`Repeatability' begins to fade in Chapter 5 and takes a beating from Chapter 6 onward, when Dr Barnett begins expanding on ideas and providing the details of his vision. When the author lays out the `hows' and `whats' whereby the Core shrinks the Gap via his prescriptions for structural changes to the United States and the world, it is then that the gamut of probable, possible, and fanciful inexplicably get rolled up into the `inevitable'. Dr. Barnett goes to great lengths to present the Core-Gap model within a logical framework as ideology-free as possible (which I believe hinders him somewhat in identifying causal factors from time to time), but Dr. Barnett's ideological bent hemmorages over the second half of the material - and this prevents the arguments for his way forward from ever being as `repeatable' as the argument for the Core-Gap construct.

Given the senior political and military leadership audience that Dr. Barnett has gained for his Core-Gap construct in the wake of 9/11/2001, his vision of the future may gain far more interest, acolytes, and apostles than it otherwise would or should have. If military and civilian long-range thinkers 1) ignore the problems with the `how' the U.S. should achieve the ambitious end-state the authors offers as our future, or even the problematic end objectives themselves, and 2) embrace instead the Core-Gap construct with its baggage intact, then the unfortunate `perturbations' of this book could be ruinous to the long term security and well-being of the nation, as well as the Core and the Gap - hence my `Most Dangerous' assignation (and decision to review this book as my first for Amazon).

Read this book and embrace the Core-Gap model by all means. But to safely traverse the whole book, keep a wary eye open for optimism, cynicism, oversimplification, unnecessary complexity, and more.....in all the wrong places.

This book projects the future - and its right on in Iraq.......2007-02-15

I bought and read this book because I watched the author giving a powerpoint presentation on PBS. I don't know if you've ever sat through one of these, but I actually wanted to buy a tape of the show just so I could see it again. HIGHTLY recommended, and his projections for the future of the military are already happening exactly how he describes.

The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace

Average customer rating:

The Best Iraq Book So Far
Certainly not as billed...or titled...
Great book a touch too long
Blood and Treasure
Superb, authoritative account of how the war was won and the occupation was lost

The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace
Ali A. Allawi
Manufacturer: Yale University Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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ASIN: 0300110154

Book Description

Involved for over thirty years in the politics of Iraq, Ali A. Allawi was a long-time opposition leader against the Baathist regime. In the post-Saddam years he has held important government positions and participated in crucial national decisions and events. In this book, the former Minister of Defense and Finance draws on his unique personal experience, extensive relationships with members of the main political groups and parties in Iraq, and deep understanding of the history and society of his country to answer the baffling questions that persist about its current crises. What really led the United States to invade Iraq, and why have events failed to unfold as planned?
The Occupation of Iraq examines what the United States did and didn’t know at the time of the invasion, the reasons for the confused and contradictory policies that were enacted, and the emergence of the Iraqi political class during the difficult transition process. The book tracks the growth of the insurgency and illuminates the complex relationships among Sunnis, Shias, and Kurds. Bringing the discussion forward to the reconfiguration of political forces in 2006, Allawi provides in these pages the clearest view to date of the modern history of Iraq and the invasion that changed its course in unpredicted ways.

Customer Reviews:

The Best Iraq Book So Far.......2007-10-06

This book represents a serious effort to write a comprehensive narrative of the Iraq war and occupation. The author is a western educated Iraqi expatriate who was active in Iraqi emigre politics and served as Minister in 2 post-war Iraqi governments. While parts are informed by Allawi's personal experiences, Allawi has made a strong effort to write an objective, balanced narrative. Allawi is particularly informative about the Iraqi aspects of the story. Prior journalistic accounts published here, even very good ones like the books of George Packer and Thomas Ricks, concentrate on American aspects of the story.

Allawi opens with an enlightening narrative of the Iraqi history and sociology and the events leading up to the invasion. Allawi is particularly good on the changing nature of Iraqi society during the Hussein period and the tremendous impoverishment and corruption that accompanied the Iran-Iraq war, the First Gulf War, and the postwar sanctions. He depicts Iraq as a society essentially ruined by the period of Baath party rule and consequently requiring almost complete reconstruction. In particular, he shows how a series of events magnified the Kurd-Sunni Arab-Shiite Arab divisions inherent in the Iraqi state. These divisions, driven to a large extent by emerging Shiite consciousness, occurred even within the emigre community. Allawi himself was involved in proposals to develop a federal Iraqi state with considerable autonomy for Shiites.

Allawi provides a lengthy, detailed, and quite devastating account of the occupation right up a few months ago. He documents the multiple shifts in American policy, the complete lack of forethought devoted to occupation policy, and remarkable incompetence of the American authorities. This is already a well known story but Allawi provides considerably more detail and provides a valuable, Iraqi oriented perspective. Of greater value, Allawi provides a detailed account of Iraqi governments and Iraqi politics during this period. This is a complex topic which Allawi handles well. While strongly condemning the incompetence of the American occupiers, Allawi does not shrink from stringent criticism of Iraqi politicians and governments, including those in which he served.

This is generally a well written book though parts are repetitive. Given the complexity of events, this is not necessarily bad. There is a useful table of acronyms, though these are not always used consistently. There is also a glossary of important individuals which should probably have included more detail. There are abundant footnotes but many of the references are to journalistic sources, reflecting the fact that this book is 'first cut' of events.

Certainly not as billed...or titled..........2007-08-13

After reading the reviews of several other readers, I think somehow I read a different book than they did. Things that were readily apparent to me didn't seem to catch the eye of some of the other readers. First, this book was authored by a gentleman whose knowledge of Iraq is second hand. He left the country prior to puberty and didn't return for fifty years. The guy to give you some inside scoop, huh? How a couple of the reviewers could characterize Mr. Allawi as an "insider" beats the heck out of me. If this exile is an "insider", what would it take to be an "outsider"? And still he was able to find a way to fit 200 pages of content into 460 pages. Must be a lot of drivel in there? Yep. Having read Allawi's book I now know that Baghdad's main book market is on Mutannabi Street. Now I'll know right where to go! Did you know that there are three types of chains used for self-flagellation in Iraq? (Doggone. Now you won't have to read the book to learn these salient points.) And I thought I was buying a book on Post 9/11 Irag. And the editor's review--shocker!--bore that out. Gotta watch those titles! Nope. This book is nothing more than the personal opinions of a camp following charlatan who chose his moment to leave exile in order to slop at the trough with so many other Iraqi exiles. It is written subjectively to a fault. It leaves far too many personal opinions undocumented in any way. The writer's style is boring and his annoying dalliances with irrelevant minutiae don't help his cause. This fellow does have a future though. His ability to spend an inordinate amount of time getting nothing productive accomplished makes him ideally suited for a post at the U.N. And you can betcha he's already back in the 'hood. This guy likes living in "The Superpower" (and London) although--sniff, sniff--he makes it clear that folks in the States are neo-conservative religious fanatics. Yikes! And he's spent a couple of years in Iraq amidst the slaughter? This book is going to the used book store today. It is not a scholarly work so I would never have any reason to reference it. One person's opinion...just like Mr. Allawi's.

Great book a touch too long.......2007-07-29

I really loved reading this book. It gave a seemingly unbiased perspective of the war especially from an Iraqi's perspective which is very rare. It provided a very detailed account of the Iraq situation, before, during and after the war, relating issues to their historical origins and helping you understand why people who had lived side-by side for centuries suddenly decide to kill each other. I also found the writing flawless and the author a good storyteller. Towards the end of the book however, it got just a touch tedious as I felt the author had by then told me everthing I needed to know about the situation.

Highly recommended!

Blood and Treasure.......2007-07-15

This week in Iraq: U.S. troops kill 6 Iraqi policemen while General Pace complains that fewer battle-ready Iraqi battalions provide security; U.S. forces try to uproot Shiite militias and Sunni insurgents while Bush and pundits loyal to him still say the enemy is al-Qaeda, which rises again in Pakistan; the most important benchmarks have been neglected while the least important have moved little, but State Department spokesmen tout the slight improvement in electricity, water treatment, and sanitation even though those life-quality indicators remain well below pre-war levels; government auditors slowly investigate private contractors' excesses; the Iraqi parliament intends to take an August vacation but Bush spokesman Tony Snow implies there might be more "progress" without them; Khalid Hassan, a reporter & interpreter for the NY Times, was shot to death, adding to the scores of journalists who've perished in this war; former Times writer Chris Hedges and others report more U.S. soldiers are talking about the routine harassing and too prevalent killing of Iraqi civilians; Bush asks for patience until General Petraeus gives his September report, which may ask for another decade of patience; about 70% of Americans now oppose the war but the rest back Bush, even lusting for blood to be spilled in Syria and Iran.

Can most Americans find Iraq on a map? How many know the difference between Sunni and Shia? A growing number don't read anything of substance, but if they read Ali Allawi's book they'd have an understanding of the country where thousands of our soldiers have been killed and many billions of our tax dollars spent.

Caveat: if you want slick, brisk writing, read Woodward, Tom Ricks, or another journalist. Ali Allawi earned degrees in business at Harvard and engineering at MIT, where redundancy is a virtue.

The title of his meticulously detailed book shows his distaste for the notion that we are liberators. With their talk of reshaping the Middle East and foisting democracy at the point of a gun, U.S. policy makers sent our military to occupy Iraq. Allawi's introductory chapters briefly explain Iraqi history, noting the long tradition of resisting foreign intruders, Saddam Hussein's rise and consolidation of power, and Iraq's intricate relations with neighboring countries. The central focus of the book involves the dashed hopes of the returning exile community, of which Allawi was a part, to modernize and democratize the country. Abysmally ignorant of Iraqi culture and insulated in the Green Zone, the Coalition Provisional Authority committed blunder upon blunder. De-Baathification led to a chaotic absence of administrative stability, soaring unemployment, and the reviving of long suppressed sectarian rivalries. Even though the CPA wouldn't admit it, an insurgency developed and, with few Arabic speakers in the U.S. intelligence community, there was no chance to thwart it except through the use of brute force, which generated antagonism instead of good will among Iraqis. Allawi says the CPA had "a `we know best' attitude, with a profoundly anti-democratic ethos." American bureaucrats were clueless as to how to stem attacks on the Iraqi infrastructure and ensure security, but through skillful media manipulation we were assured that the situation was gradually improving. As power shifted from the CPA to the interim Iraqi government, there was no improvement. "Neither the ministers nor the bureaucracies over which they presided," Allawi maintains, "could deliver a fraction of what they had promised." Corruption flourished, particularly in the electricity and oil sectors, but also in the Ministry of Defense, right under the nose of General Petraeus, who crowed that "training is on track...infrastructure is being repaired...institutions are being re-established." As bankers and other businessmen were kidnapped, and academics and doctors were killed, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis fled the country. Allawi acknowledges that the situation was not entirely bleak: entrepreneurship rose, some universities stayed open, and there was enthusiasm in 2005 for elections and the writing of a constitution.

Yet he can't end on an optimistic note. Saddam has been "replaced by the corroded, inefficient, incompetent and corrupt state of the new order." He believes America's stated motives after no WMD were found - removing the tyrant, building democracy, introducing civil rights and a constitution - ring hollow and give rise to cynicism about the "real" motives: seizing oil, subverting Iran, protecting Israel. Allawi has no confidence in the notion of a unified Iraq; the only suggestion he makes for a way out of the current mess is in the creation of three separate administrative districts.

But who's reading or listening to Allawi? Our politicians are waiting to hear from General Petraeus.

Superb, authoritative account of how the war was won and the occupation was lost.......2007-07-02

Though the subject is a sad one, this book is a delight: a thorough analysis of went right and wrong with Iraq written by someone who doesn't suffer from Bush Derangement Syndrome.

Ali A. Allawi has axes of his own to grind. He is an Iraqi expatriate who returned to help build his native land. But he apaprently is not blinded by his biases. He served as a minister in the Iraqi government and apparenttly still advises.

There are many people, myself included, who see the invasion of Iraq as the right thing to do and, in fact, regret that Syria and Iran were not targeted as well. Removal of all three of those governments followed by the institution of viable democracies would have been a great thing for the world. We will, in fact, pay a huge price in the future for not doing so.

Allawi explains in riveting detail how the U.S. was led to believe invasion was the right thing to do and how after a brilliant military campaign, the occupation and promise were lost through total incompetence. The latter is a sad, sad tale.

From the initial appointment of Jay Garner, the route was straight downhill. Lack of comprehension on the part of officials, bureaucratic infighting, corruption, incompetence and ignorance brushed good intention to the side.

This is both an insider's account and a history. The politics of Ayatollah Sistani, the confused state of the first battle for Fallujah, the incredible incompetence and corruption of the reconstruction effort, the bumbling of the Bremer, the feuds among the Iraqis are all recounted in detail. It is a sad, terrible telling.

Indeed, there were and are brave Iraqis and Americans who tried to build a new and free Iraq. But frankly it seems they are outnumbered by the corrupt, the mendacious and the incompetent.

This is a depressing read, but a necessary one for anyone seeking the truth about the tragedy of Iraq.

Jerry

Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security

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A Must for Serious Thinkers of International Affairs

Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security
Mark Duffield
Manufacturer: Zed Books
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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Do No Harm: How Aid Can Support Peace - or War

ASIN: 1856497496

Book Description

War is now an important part of development discourse. Aid agencies have become involved in humanitarian assistance, conflict resolution and the social reconstruction of war-torn societies. This deeply thoughtful book explores the growing merger of development and security. Its author unravels the nature of the new wars - in Africa, the Balkans, Central Asia - and the response of the international community, in particular the new systems of global governance that are emerging as a result.

The breakdown of order is seen as symptomatic of long-term social processes: economic crisis, the social exclusion of wide strata of populations and internal conflict. Instead of the historic goals of modernity, development to reduce inequality, and a central role for the state, we have a neo-medieval situation in which overlapping and fragmented sovereignties confront an increasingly weakened central authority.

The consequences, as Duffield shows, are far-reaching. Development now focuses primarily on the shortcomings of structures within the South. Aid is privatized. A rising level of violence and misery are accepted as normal, and new forms of humanitarian aid intervention, far from solving the problem, accommodate and coexist with this instability and inequality. Pessimistic perhaps, but this book is profound in its insights and pregnant with policy implications.

Customer Reviews:

A Must for Serious Thinkers of International Affairs.......2007-01-08

Professor Mark Duffield has done the near impossible, he has given a detailed description and explanation of one of the most complex assemblages ever devised: the post-Cold War, free market/free trade-driven international order. In excruciating detail, professor Duffield explains how the WTO-structured global economic system - what we think of as "globalization" - works to: attenuate state power, deregulate and disrupt traditional economies, create ever-more "complex and opaque forms of transaction and ownership," and essentially restructures international governing bodies to fit into this new world system. Professor Duffield manages to do this with no discernible political "spin." His gaze is unremitting and clear-eyed whether it falls on corrupt third-world governments, U.N. and NGO developmental types, western donor nations, politicians of all stripes, or African and Afghani warlords.
If one wants to understand the underlying forces driving the conflicts extant in today's world and the global community's responses to these crises, there is no better place to start than with professor Duffield's "Global Governance and the New Wars."

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lawless government invites citizen anarchy
Wake up, America!
A major disappointment by a major writer...
Witty, bitchy, and impassioned, Vidal is on target critiquing unchecked state power
Gore Vidal is Not a Mainstream Wimpy Historian: He is Honest and Makes Readers Think

Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace
Gore Vidal
Manufacturer: Nation Books
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United States

ASIN: 156025405X

Book Description

The United States has been engaged in what the great historian Charles A. Beard called "perpetual war for perpetual peace." The Federation of American Scientists has cataloged nearly 200 military incursions since 1945 in which the United States has been the aggressor. In a series of penetrating and alarming essays, whose centerpiece is a commentary on the events of September 11, 2001 (deemed too controversial to publish in this country until now) Gore Vidal challenges the comforting consensus following September 11th and goes back and draws connections to Timothy McVeigh's bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City. He asks were these simply the acts of "evil-doers?" “Gore Vidal is the master essayist of our age.” — Washington Post ”Our greatest living man of letters.”—Boston Globe “Vidal’s imagination of American politics is so powerful as to compel awe.”—Harold Bloom, The New York Review of Books

Customer Reviews:

lawless government invites citizen anarchy.......2007-07-12

Is there a connection between Timothy McVeigh's 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, which killed 168 people and is still the deadliest terrorist act in America except for 9/11; the FBI's ambush of the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, that killed eighty-two people (1993); and the Iraq war? Well, maybe. In this slender volume of occasional essays the controversial writer Gore Vidal tries to connect the dots.

Vidal borrows the phrase "perpetual war for perpetual peace" from the American historian Charles Beard (1874-1948), famous for his outspoken criticisms of American interventionism abroad. To punctuate his point Vidal includes a list from the Federation of American Scientists that identifies 201 instances of American military intervention between Pearl Harbor and September 11, 2001 (pp. 22-41). In fact, this grossly underestimates American military incursions if Cullen Murphy of Vanity Fair is right that in any given year American forces conduct 170 "operations" abroad (Are We Rome?). At any rate, the Iraq war that began in March 2003 was, sadly, only one more instance of pre-emptive and unilateral state violence by America, some of it against its own citizens.

Whereas the press demonized McVeigh, Vidal tries to understand him. Based upon his three-year correspondence with McVeigh, who invited him to be one of the five witnesses of his execution (Vidal couldn't attend), Vidal concludes that Oklahoma City was McVeigh's revenge for Waco. Without the latter the former never would have happened. McVeigh clearly explained his motives in a letter to Vidal in which he quoted Justice Louis Brandeis in the Olmstead case of 1928, where the Supreme Court upheld the right of the federal government to wiretap private telephone conversations and use them as evidence: "Our government," wrote Brandeis in the dissenting opinion, "is the potent, the omnipotent teacher. For good or ill, it teaches the whole people by its example." Thus did McVeigh "declare war on a government [at Oklahoma City] that he felt had declared war on its own people" at Waco. Later Vidal continues the Brandeis quote where McVeigh had left off: "Crime is contagious. If the government becomes the law breaker, it breeds contempt for laws; it invites every man to become a law unto himself." Lawless government invites anarchy; it will reap what it sows.

In Vidal's scenario, pre-emptive war in Iraq is of the same piece as the FBI slaughtering Branch Davidian cultists. "Now, with the revolt of the Praetorian Guard at the Pentagon, we are entering a new and dangerous phase," he writes. "Although we regularly stigmatize other societies as rogue states, we ourselves have become the largest rogue of all. We honor no treaties. We spurn international courts. We strike unilaterally wherever we choose. We give orders to the United Nations but do not pay our dues. We complain of terrorism, yet our empire is now the greatest terrorist of all. We bomb, invade, subvert other states. Although We the People of the United States are the sole source of legitimate authority in this land, we are no longer represented in Congress Assembled" (158-159). And so private citizens like McVeigh follow the example of government atrocities in Waco and Baghdad.

Wake up, America!.......2007-06-08

Vidal's job has always been to act as a Cassandra during the final days of the American republic: like her, he always speaks the truth but no-one believes it. This book is really just a collection of magazine articles and it's a shame that at 82 he probably doesn't have the stamina for a comprehensive analysis. Having said that, it's still worth reading if only for the essay on Timothy McVeigh.
And if you think I'm exaggerating about the American collapse, consider the obvious parallels between the fall of Rome and the present American decline - the destruction of the currency; defeat in war; and the invasion of the homeland by foreigners.

A major disappointment by a major writer..........2007-01-22

Gore Vidal is one of my favorite novelists, essayists, and pundits. BURR is one of my all-time favorite novels. And the editorial review of this book sounded very much like it covered not dissimilar territory to one of the best films of last year, the documentary WHY WE FIGHT, which outlines the disturbing evolution of the military/industrial/congressional complex. But this book turns out to be an off-kilter screed, an opinion piece peppered with facts but largely rant and rave with an uncharacteristic lack of satisfying insight. He even gets at least one fact wrong: in listing all the treaties we've broken he mentions Kyoto as one of them; in truth congress never ratified that treaty, hence there was never one to break.

Every great writer is allowed an off day. This book, though, was such a major disappointment because Vidal's novels have such a keen grasp of historical context and Vidal himself has such a learned and insightful overview. For me, a major disappointment.

Witty, bitchy, and impassioned, Vidal is on target critiquing unchecked state power.......2006-11-07

Gore Vidal is not my favorite writer, political or otherwise, because his tendencies to name drop and to remind the reader of his patrician heritage grate on my nerves. That said, this slender volume of collected essays is required reading for anyone, liberal or conservative, who thinks that the train of the United States has jumped its Constitutional tracks and is headed for catastrophe, both domestically and internationally. It is also nice to hear someone so eloquently remind Americans that our Constitutional heritage is primarily one of mistrust of government, our own first and foremost, and to challenge the received opinion that this mistrust is now tantamount to treason.

Not only is this sense of distrust our obligation as American citizens, but it is also healthy, Vidal argues. He supports this argument by discussing the violent and murderous contempt our government has had for those in the world, both abroad and at home, who would challenge its claims to ideological and actual dominance. The first essay in this collection endeavors to explain why those abroad hate the American government by making reference to the hundreds of military ventures our nation has engaged in (with almost absolute impunity it must be noted) over the last half-century. Democratically elect a leader whose policies don't completely gibe with American national (read "commercial") interests? Then Uncle Sam will help depose him. Since the end of WWII, the US has intervened in so many other nations' internal affairs, often with disastrous consequences for the everyday people in those nations, that the mind reels. The question becomes not "why do they hate us" but "why have they waited so long to show it?"

The essays which follow the introduction deal with issues of domestic un-tranquility and, in particular, the violent response of one Timothy McVeigh to a federal government that rages unchecked. If that last phrase seems extreme, imagine seeing your wife get shot through the head (as she clutched an infant) hours after watching your 14-year old son shot in the back by the same "law officers," all because you were entrapped into committing the "crime" of sawing off two shotguns. That's what happened to Randy Weaver at his Ruby Ridge, ID, home. He, and not the murdering authorities, was the one accused of crimes in that situation, and the media, complicit with the federal authorities, did its best to cover-up the true criminals. Later, a group of non-traditional religious folks were murdered, with their 27 children, by the same lawless authorities, and again, the media and government manipulated the story so that it was the citizen, and not the government, who was to blame. These incidents, argues Vidal, are indicative of a rogue American government, one that blames its victims and exonerates itself at every opportunity. Vidal also inveighs against the puritanical, prudish prurience of those Americans who so desperately want to see their neighbors controlled that they'll excuse their government of any crimes committed to that end, no matter how heinous. As he notes when discussing Timothy McVeigh's murder of innocents in the Murrah building in OKC, "every pancake has two sides." Ignoring the larger side of that pancake, an unchecked government run rampant against the freedoms of "we the people" and our fellow human beings in other nations, is to our detriment.

One minor drawback to this book is that Vidal rarely provides a citation to back him up in his diatribe, but this is easily rectified by seeking out denser corroborative works on the various subjects Vidal discusses (the writings of Noam Chomsky come to mind, for example). Please don't let that complaint keep you from reading this book; its witty, bitchy, and impassioned defense of the US Constitution and of the Republic it supports is much needed in these dark days of omnipresent surveillance and endless wars on inchoate terror.

Gore Vidal is Not a Mainstream Wimpy Historian: He is Honest and Makes Readers Think.......2006-07-24

Gore Vidal's major assets in writing political books are his wit, knowledge, and ability to write. Mr. Vidal clearly shows what political problems exist and uses precision in diagnosing these problems. His PERPETUAL WAR FOR PERPETUAL PEACE, a phrase used by the great historian Charles Austin Beard, is apt title for this book. Readers should note that Vidal gives Beard credit for this phrase.

Vidal wrote one of the best assessments of the tragedy in Oklahoma for which Timothy McVeigh was executed. This tragedy which took place in 1995 is carefully discussed by Vidal. Vidal indicates that the way the feds explained the explosion is impossible to believe. One should note that the feds cleared the debris from this explosion as quickly as possible removing forensic evidence that could have implicated others or revealed that the force of the explosion was not due to the explanations offered by government "experts."

Another interesting facet of Vidal's assessment of Timothy McVeigh view of the U.S. government. McVeigh expressed anger and frustration and anger at government corruption and lying regarding both domestic and diplomatic issues. Vidal's evaluation of McVeigh is thought provoking. One should clearly note that Vidal does not condone McVeigh's actions, but one should at least be aware of why events, as tragic as they may be, do occur.

Vidal also gives some of the best explanations of U.S. foreign policy blunders that benefit no one except defense contractors, Pentagon bureaucrats, and some members of the U.S. House and Senate. These corrupt cronies faced a severe problem when the Soviets conceded that the U.S. could outspend them on arms races and comitted the crime of refusing to play the game any longer. Defense contractors, Pentagon flunkies, U.S. political figures, etc., had to invent new enemies to justify their bloated budgets and criminality. Vidal cites examples from Latin America (espeically Columbia), Asia, and Africa where U.S. political and military intervention has made life miserable and unbearable. What has been the result? Vidal carefully explains that Americans have become hated. In other words, the pious platitudes and obnoxious lies do not stand when the political realities and tragedies affect other peoples.

Those who have branded this book as "Bush bashing" have apparently not read it. Vidal does not spare anyone in this book, and he demonstrates keen criticism of those who are prominent Democrats and Republicans. Vidal had serious clashes with the Kennedys.

This reviewer doubts if Gore Vidal's books will change the world. However, his book titled PERPETUAL WAR FOR PERPETUAL PEACE is there for the record. One should carefully examine pages 22-41 to see just how extensive U.S. military and political intervention is.

Readers should refer to Theodore Rushton's previous review of this book to get a more concise view. This reviewer agrees with Mr. Rushton that this book is important. Gore Vidal is not a "trained historian" which is why the book is worth reading. Mr. Vidal does not cater to politically correct nonsense and political agendas. He is more concerned with truth which is a lesson current historians have long abandoned.

Conflict After the Cold War, Updated Edition (2nd Edition)

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Conflict After the Cold War, Updated Edition (2nd Edition)
Richard K. Betts
Manufacturer: Longman
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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War, Peace, & International Politics (8th Edition)

ASIN: 032120946X

Book Description

Edited by one of the most renowned experts in the field, this collection helps readers understand the causes of wars and examines the question: can we make war obsolete? With new readings on terrorism and unconventional warfare, this volume introduces readers to the types of political violence that have come back with such horrifying force in the beginning of the 21st Century. DOES WAR HAVE A FUTURE?; ANARCHY AND POWER; INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AND COOPERATION; PSYCHOLOGY AND CULTURE; ECONOMIC INTERESTS AND INTERDEPENDENCE; POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND IDENTITY; MILITARY TECHNOLOGY; TERRORISM AND UNCONVENTIONAL WARFARE. Anyone interested in understanding why political violence—terrorism, warfare, unconventional warfare—happens and if it can be stopped.

The Powers of War and Peace: The Constitution and Foreign Affairs after 9/11

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Reasoned
Terrifying Justice Department Double Think
Yoo has no clue!
This book's point about constitutional checks and balances were once taught in 8th grade civics class.
Important to understand Constitution after 9/11

The Powers of War and Peace: The Constitution and Foreign Affairs after 9/11
John Yoo
Manufacturer: University Of Chicago Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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War by Other Means: An Insider's Account of the War on Terror
Terrorism, The Laws Of War, And The Constitution: Debating The Enemy Combatant Cases
Not a Suicide Pact: The Constitution in a Time of National Emergency (Inalienable Rights)
Presidential War Power
Military Tribunals And Presidential Power: American Revolution To The War On Terrorism

ASIN: 0226960323

Book Description

Since the September 11 attacks on the United States, the Bush administration has come under fire for its methods of combating terrorism. Waging war against al Qaeda has proven to be a legal quagmire, with critics claiming that the administration's response in Afghanistan and Iraq is unconstitutional. The war on terror—and, in a larger sense, the administration's decision to withdraw from the ABM Treaty and the Kyoto accords—has many wondering whether the constitutional framework for making foreign affairs decisions has been discarded by the present administration.

John Yoo, formerly a lawyer in the Department of Justice, here makes the case for a completely new approach to understanding what the Constitution says about foreign affairs, particularly the powers of war and peace. Looking to American history, Yoo points out that from Truman and Korea to Clinton's intervention in Kosovo, American presidents have had to act decisively on the world stage without a declaration of war. They are able to do so, Yoo argues, because the Constitution grants the president, Congress, and the courts very different powers, requiring them to negotiate the country's foreign policy. Yoo roots his controversial analysis in a brilliant reconstruction of the original understanding of the foreign affairs power and supplements it with arguments based on constitutional text, structure, and history.

Accessibly blending historical arguments with current policy debates, The Powers of War and Peace will no doubt be hotly debated. And while the questions it addresses are as old and fundamental as the Constitution itself, America's response to the September 11 attacks has renewed them with even greater force and urgency.

“Can the president of the United States do whatever he likes in wartime without oversight from Congress or the courts? This year, the issue came to a head as the Bush administration struggled to maintain its aggressive approach to the detention and interrogation of suspected enemy combatants in the war on terrorism. But this was also the year that the administration’s claims about presidential supremacy received their most sustained intellectual defense [in] The Powers of War and Peace.”—Jeffrey Rosen, New York Times

“Yoo’s theory promotes frank discussion of the national interest and makes it harder for politicians to parade policy conflicts as constitutional crises. Most important, Yoo’s approach offers a way to renew our political system’s democratic vigor.”—David B. Rivkin Jr. and Carlos Ramos-Mrosovsky, National Review

Customer Reviews:

Reasoned.......2007-05-13

John Yoo's book makes cogent arguments based upon a careful legal analysis and established constitutional principles. A fine contribution to the debate of our times.

Terrifying Justice Department Double Think.......2006-10-06

Mr Yoo moves on from his earlier arguments that torture falls at a point slightly short of physical death, organ failure or loss of limb. Mr Yoo makes some interesting if devastating points with his new theories. The President's war powers, he argues, allow him to do, basically, whatever he wants. The President may, if he chooses, crush the genitals of children, maim, torture or kill civilians. In this respect one might remember that Bush ordered an air strike on the house occupied by the infant grandchildren of Saddam Hussein AFTER the end of the Iraq war and even though the house was surrounded by US troops. The President is limited, according to Mr Yoo, only by how he CHOOSES to interpret International Treaties and as he has the power to repudiate such treaties or ignore them entirely (as in the International Human Rights for the Child Treaty, the Geneva Convention or the Treaty of Vienna,) then, this means that presidential power is absolute EVEN if despotic criminal or tyrannical. Mr Yoo appears now to say that the President and his henchmen, cronies and agencies MAY indeed use indiscriminant torture. Mr Yoo however does not adequately explain how the President can thus overturn congressional treaty ratification. As what constitutes a 'time of war' is also up to the President and does not rely on any 'legal' declaration of war (which is a matter of international law to which the US is thus not subject,) then the US may have, effectively, a Despot Emperor for President. Does the 'War on Drugs' thus give the President the same wartime powers as he asserts for his 'War on Terror' - an undeclared war on no particular nation state? Is the US thus always in a state of war? This is interesting, not just semantically, as the District and Supreme Courts appear to agree with Mr Yoo's interpretation, blocking cases connected with this on grounds of national security whilst Congress does not appear to care. Perhaps Clinton should have used Mr Yoo's arguments in the Monical Lewinsky scandal and impeachment hearings. War powers might have thus allowed him to do whatever he wanted with his cigar and to lie about it in the national interest. The problem with Mr Yoo's argument is that Checks and Balances thus no longer appear to exist. Interestingly if one applies Mr Yoo's arguments to their logical end he becomes an eloquent advocate for terrorism or for the Holocaust where the ends justify the use of any means, however horrible. Of course, either this is pretty much nonsense and makes toilet paper of the Declaration of Independence, Magna Carta, democracy and human rights OR the truth is more terrifying and the US is now a Stalinist or Nazi state. I suspect Mr Yoo could be subject to arrest as a war criminal should he ever leave the United States and visit a civilised country???

Yoo has no clue!.......2006-06-23

The 2 biggest mistakes made by government in my lifetime are Congress giving away war powers in 1965 and 2002. The constitution holds that declaring war is the responsibility of the Congress. If the Executive has grounds for war let him/her present them and Ccongress vote. Twice I have seen Congress abdicate this important power with disasterous results. This is just one of many examples why Yoo has no clue.

This book's point about constitutional checks and balances were once taught in 8th grade civics class........2006-05-26

The outrage this book caused on publication is a sign of the incredible ignorance so prevalent these days about was once common knowledge--that the powers of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches exist in parallel under the elegant system of checks and balances of the Constitution, each with their separate skill set and functions. This book is a necessary defense of the traditional constitutional idea that the executive branch has primacy in matters of war, national security, and foreign policy. It is sad that otherwise sensible people like Neal Katyal and Stuart Taylor should tout outre ideas about the Constitution as a big sandbag over the head of the President most especially in war, national security and foreign policy, as if this idea, which is strictly the invention of the left, were Con Law 101. It is so Nixon era. But there you go. The "me generation" took over the academy, threw out all the Rembrandts, and filled it up with their Hello Kitty and Marilyn tchotchkes.

Important to understand Constitution after 9/11.......2006-02-01

This is an important book in order to understand the Constitution and the response to 9/11. The attacks on this book here are ridiculous. Even liberal critics of the Bush administration and Yoo think this is an important book. Cass Sunstein, a famous liberal law professor, wrote a review in the New Republic that said: "The most important theorist of the 9/11 Constitution is John Yoo." He says "Yoo has offered an inventive and provocative set of arguments about fundamental questions, and he presents his arguments with unmistakable determination and all the skill of a good lawyer."

Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism

Average customer rating:

Overrated
Excellent Foundation for Understanding International Rel.
great synthesis of philosophy and international relations
A Splendid Survey of International Relations

Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism
Michael Doyle
Manufacturer: W. W. Norton
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

War & Peace | Current Events | Nonfiction | Subjects | Books

All Titles | Qualifying Textbooks - Fall 2007 | Stores | Books

Nonfiction | Qualifying Textbooks - Fall 2007 | Stores | Books
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ASIN: 0393969479

Customer Reviews:

Overrated.......2002-10-31

Section of Realism is extraordinary, but the chapters Socialism and Liberalism are somewhat weak.

Excellent Foundation for Understanding International Rel........2000-05-19

I recommend this book to any student of International Relations or Political Philosophy. Doyle does an excellent job of describing the foundations of the main theories in the discipline of International Relations. By starting with the philosophers behind each school of thought, he reveals the often misunderstood assumptions made by scholars in each school. Thus, he shows us why scholars in International Relations frequently talk past each other when discussing a topic.

great synthesis of philosophy and international relations.......2000-02-12

Before reading Doyle, I had never really come across a good survey of political philosophy which logically relates the classical political theories to their practical corollaries in international relations. I must say I am very much impresssed with Doyle's effort and am delighted to find how well he is able to put all theories (he deals with realism, liberalism and socialism) in an illuminating perspective, and how he is able to ingeniously distinguish the different strands within the respective political theories. What I like in particular is how he associates certain strands of thinking with certain philosophers, and how he then combines and compares these different views within a larger theoretical perpective, thus providing a clear overview on the theories at large. I must admit only having read parts of it, most of the section about realism, all of it on liberalism and some of it on socialism, but still think I have a good enough idea to be able to comment on this book. I initiallty felt inclined to give this book only four stars, since it only deals with a small number of thinkers and theories, but realising the vastness of the subject, I felt I could not withhold Doyle's book the 5th star. So for those seeking the broader view of international relations, going beyond the confines of conventional IR theory, Doyle's book is an absolute eye-opener.

A Splendid Survey of International Relations.......2000-02-06

This extraordinary book by Dr. Doyle is a must read for those Christians that wish to understand the international system of the relations among nations. This book helps to clarify the fundamental perpspectives that policymakers hold about the nature of the relations among nations and the policies that follow as a result of such perspectives. For Christians to be effective peacemakers such information is critical for understanding the international system and planning for effective pastoral strategies that can help to move the world toward greater justice and peace. Clearly this book is not a substitute for Christian moral reflection and action, but it can help one to understand some of the forces and ideological frameworks within the international arena that motivates people and nations to take actions that lead to war or peace.

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